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BRAD
SNYDER
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Just days after the1969 season ended, the St. Louis Cardinals'
Gold Glove-winning centerfielder Curt Flood was informed that
he had been traded to the Philadelphia Phillies. After 12
seasons with the Cards, the 31-year-old Flood had found a
home in St. Louis; he was a quiet force on the Cards' World
Series teams of 1964, 1967 and 1968. He did not want to move
to Philadelphia.
At the time, professional athletes had little control over
their fate. Even stars like Flood had only two options in
this situation: he could either report to the Phillies or
retire. Flood, however, decided to buck the system. He refused
to report to the Phillies' training camp; instead, he challenged
Major League Baseball's reserve clause, which bound a player
to the team that owned his rights in perpetuity. Flood sat
out the 1970 season and, with help from the nascent Major
League Baseball Players Association, sued Major League Baseball.
The lawsuit eventually reached the U.S. Supreme Court.
In "A Well-Paid Slave: Curt Flood's Fight for Free Agency
in Professional Sports" (Viking), Brad Snyder delves into
the lawsuit that forever changed professional sports. As Snyder
relates, Flood was not successful in his effort. The Supreme
Court ruled against him, and his baseball career was finished.
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But the fallout from Flood's lawsuit eventually opened
the door to free agency, thereby changing the power structure of
professional sports. Thanks to Flood, athletes could enjoy multi-million-dollar
salaries and greater control over their careers. Sadly, despite
the players' many gains, Flood was largely forgotten. When he died
in 1997, no active Major League Baseball player attended his funeral.
SportsLetter talked with Snyder by telephone from
his home in Washington, D.C.
David Davis
SportsLetter: Your background is as a lawyer.
What made you decide to write books?
Brad Snyder: It's sort of the other way around.
I always wanted to write books. I was at the Baltimore Sun newspaper
right after college covering the Baltimore Orioles, the team I grew
up watching. That fulfilled a childhood dream. I thought I was some
sort of Roger Kahn-like character out of the "Boys of Summer," growing
up and covering my childhood baseball team. Then, I went to law
school because I covered a Supreme Court case, and I got seduced
with the idea of covering the Supreme Court.
I thought if I could ever be happy as a lawyer, it
would be as a first amendment lawyer, defending newspapers from
libel suits, doing pre-publication review of copy to avoid libel
suits. I liked it, but I didn't love it. I realized my passion was
writing, and I felt like I was watching other people do the work
that I wanted to do. Eventually, after two-and-a-half years, I decided
I was going to leave the firm, with no book agent and no book contract.
SL: Your first book was about the Homestead
Grays in the Negro Leagues ["Beyond the Shadow of the Senators:
The Untold Story of the Homestead Grays and the Integration of Baseball"].
What got you interested in that topic?
BS: I was a history and Afro-American Studies
major [at Duke University]. I decided that I wanted to write about
baseball for my history honors thesis, and I started looking into
the Negro Leagues. It started with a paper on Satchel Paige. Then,
after my junior year I got some grant money to go interview some
of the old players and, more importantly, old-time black Washingtonians.
It was a pivotal time to do this because a lot of these guys were
dying off. These were people who had come of age in the '30s and
'40s, so it was important to get their memories and recollections
down. I didn't realize it at the time how lucky I was.
SL: How did you come to write this book about
Curt Flood?
BS: The Curt Flood book goes all the way back
to the summer of '94, when I'm covering baseball for the Sun. The
baseball strike happened, and I'm now covering Congressional hearings
on Capitol Hill and writing stories about baseball's antitrust exemption.
That's how I got into Curt's story. I thought, this is a great one-man-takes-on-the-establishment
story, sort of like the book that [New York Times reporter] Anthony
Lewis wrote about Clarence Earl Gideon, "Gideon's Trumpet," in which
an indigent inmate writes a hand-written petition to the Supreme
Court because he wasn't given counsel at his felony trial for petty
theft.
I thought that Curt Flood was baseball's version of
"Gideon's Trumpet." It had all the elements: it had an underdog,
someone who sacrifices everything for a cause. Curt gives up everything
for a principal, not for money. It's a degree of altruism that is
so rare in today's world and in professional sports. Pat Tillman,
the late Arizona Cardinals' safety, is the only other guy I can
think of who did something like that. Of course, Tillman paid the
ultimate price, but Curt paid dearly for what he did.
One of the big questions I went into this book with
was, Why did Curt do it? It was the question everybody asked me
when I pitched the project. I spent a long time trying to figure
out what motivated Curt and figured out that it was basically Curt's
experiences during the Civil Rights Movement and the influence of
people like Jackie Robinson and Martin Luther King that caused Curt
to do what he did.
SL: After Flood was virtually ignored for decades,
two books were published about him this year
your's and Alex Belth's "Stepping Up: The Story of Curt Flood and
His Fight for Baseball Players' Rights" [published by Persea]: Were
you worried that your book would be lost in the shuffle?
BS: I was confident that I possessed both the
baseball knowledge and the legal skills to write the definitive
book about Curt Flood. When I started this project, there were four
or five other people writing Curt Flood books. I wasn't concerned
because, even though some of those people had a huge head start,
I thought I had a clear vision for what the book was about and I
thought that my vision was different than everyone else's. I got
affirmation along the way that told me I was on the right track.
When I told Curt's widow, Judy Pace, the reason why I thought Curt
sued that
he was strongly influenced by the Civil Rights Movement
she said, "You're the only one who gets what was driving Curt on
this."
As for the phenomenon of everybody writing about Curt
at the same time: I think that when someone dies, their death causes
people to re-evaluate them and to place them in some sort of historical
context. Also, when people die, they tend to become martyred. I
think those two things
the re-evaluation of Curt's place in history and the martyrdom of
this guy who died and never saw any of the money from free agency
that the ballplayers are seeing now
caused people to examine his case.
SL: With Flood having passed away, how did
you go about researching his life?
BS: I think when someone dies in a lot of ways
it makes it easier to write a book about them than when they're
alive. I'll give you an example. When Jane Leavy wrote her terrific
book on Sandy Koufax, she didn't need Koufax to write that book,
although he met with her once. She needed Koufax to make it okay
for his friends to talk to her. When someone dies, it allows their
friends to be more candid about them than if they were living. Feelings
won't be hurt that way.
I used typical journalistic strategies. I consider
myself part historian and part journalist, and I tried to put both
of those caps on. That meant just digging, interviewing everyone
I could possibly find who had a good Curt Flood anecdote, doing
Freedom of Information Act requests with the FBI and the State Department.
That produced some incredibly helpful material, for example, about
Curt's time in Spain. I didn't feel that it would be helpful for
me to go to Majorca, but the State Department's files on Curt's
travels were a gold mine for me.
SL: You write about unflattering aspects of
his life, including alcoholism and the fact that he probably didn't
paint many of the portraits for which he took credit. Was that difficult
to write about?
BS: I could not ignore the painting situation
or the alcoholism because they were central facts of his life. The
drinking that was debilitating became evident going back to the
State Department reports. The fact that Flood was charged with shop-lifting
and ended up in a Barcelona psychiatric hospital for alcoholism
gave me a clue to the depths of his problem. It was almost like
Curt knew he had to stay sober when he was an athlete. When baseball
was taken away from him, he had a huge void in his life. Without
baseball, the alcoholism took over.
People were more candid about that after he died.
Alcoholism was Curt's Achilles' heel, and it is one of the most
important aspects, sadly, of Curt's life. So, I don't think you
could write about Curt without writing about his alcoholism because,
from the day he quit baseball at the end of the '69 season until
1986, Curt was not alcohol-free. That's a huge swatch of his life.
The portrait-painting thing I devote three pages to
out of 350. No one had ever written that Curt had not painted either
some of, or all of, his portraits. It's impossible for me to prove
a negative, so I can't say with 100 percent certainty that Curt
didn't paint a single portrait. But I had two people volunteer to
me that he did not paint his portraits. It was only when I got written
evidence
letters in Curt's hand to the artist and letters from the artist
to Curt
that confirmed to me that this is something I have to write about,
even though it might diminish people's respect for Curt. The fact
that he was selling these paintings
the fact he was doing interviews about the Martin Luther King portrait
I thought
I had to write about. I look at it this way: all heroes have flaws.
I didn't want to make Curt to be the hero who had no flaws.
SL: How would you describe Curt Flood as a
ballplayer and as a person?
BS: Despite the portrait-painting debacle,
Curt was a man of amazing character. He was incredibly principled
and inquisitive. He was multi-talented: he was a musician, and he
could sketch beautifully. In some ways, he was a self-taught renaissance
man who defied the stereotypes of ballplayers. He was a free-thinker,
but also very quiet and understated, without the loud defiant, Muhammad
Ali-like boasting. If you went through the Cardinals' locker-room
in the late 1960s, you wouldn't think that Curt would be the guy
to stand up against the reserve clause. You would think it would
be Bob Gibson, or Joe Torre, or Tim McCarver, or Bill White. I would
also describe him as a womanizer and a partier, too. There's no
getting around that
that Curt liked to have a good time off the field.
As a ballplayer, in some ways he was a lot like David
Eckstein, with his size and the way that he was a tough guy to get
out. He was a real ballplayers' ballplayer who always did the little
things. He was a number-two hitter who moved Lou Brock over. Defensively,
he was outstanding, a spectacular fielder despite his gaffe in the
'68 World Series. Curt was really the first one to leap over outfield
fences on a regular basis and pull the ball back into the field
of play. In that respect, he had a lot of Kenny Lofton's athleticism
out in center field. Sports Illustrated put him on the cover in
August of '68 and called him "Baseball's Best Center Fielder." That's
a bold statement considering Willie Mays is still playing. But Mays
was getting up in years, and the magazine was recognizing that Curt
was in his prime and that he was the best at going after the ball
the way Mays once used to be. I think had Curt played in a different
time, with weight training and physical conditioning being more
of a priority, he could have played into his late 30s.
SL: Many reporters in the press and many players
in the locker-room slammed Flood for taking on the reserve clause.
Why was his stance so revolutionary in sports at that time? And,
did his critics understand what was at stake?
BS: I just assumed that the players would have
been behind him, and I just assumed that the media would have gotten
it a little more. That's looking backwards at history. We know now
that free agency was going to benefit the players, but at the time
there was a lot of ignorance on the part of players and the media.
Among the players, there was an enormous culture of fear because
the owners had so much power over them. Players, and particularly
star players, did not want to get out of line because they wanted
to get that salary increase the next season, they wanted to have
a future in management, they didn't want to get traded against their
will. So, they toed the company line, and that's why you saw the
superstars of the game abandon Curt when it came to the reserve
clause. I was shocked when I read the quotes from Willie Mays, Hank
Aaron, Carl Yastrzemski, Frank Howard and Harmon Killebrew not supporting
Curt.
Also, the owners' line was, if you get rid of the
reserve clause, you're going to destroy the game of baseball. No
one wanted to see the game of baseball destroyed, particularly the
players whose livelihood depended on it. So, most people bought
the owners' rhetoric.
The media's relationship with the owners and baseball
teams was just different then. Bob Broeg, the esteemed sports columnist
for the St. Louis Post Dispatch, and Gussie Busch, the owner of
the Cardinals, were good buddies. Sportswriters in every city were
riding on the team planes. On the way to the '67 World Series, Bob
Broeg rode with the players on the team bus. Could you imagine that
today, a journalist riding on the team bus to Game 7 of the World
Series? It wouldn't happen. Reporters then were the ultimate homers
and were completely devoted to management. That's why it took guts
for a few free-thinkers
Jim Murray in L.A., Red Smith in New York, Howard Cosell, and a
few others
to stand by Curt and say, "Hey this is absurd."
SL: Given the times, do you think Curt's "slave"
quote contributed to his problems?
BS: By comparing himself to chattel and slavery,
Curt's quote
"A well-paid slave is nonetheless a slave"
fanned the flames of discontent. What was happening during Curt's
lawsuit was, in a sense, a backlash to the Civil Rights Movement.
People perceived there to be excesses in the Civil Rights Movement,
in the form of Ali, the Black Panthers, school busing. All these
things are going on, and people are reacting to them in a reactionary
way. Curt's slavery comparison gave the reactionaries something
to grab hold of and say, "Look at this ungrateful guy, making $90,000
a year, comparing himself to a slave."
SL: After sitting out the 1970 season, Flood
signed and played briefly with the Senators in 1971. In retrospect,
did that hurt his case?
BS: Absolutely. He desperately needed the money,
but that was a terrible P.R. disaster. I think Curt lost all sympathy
when he came back. If he had still been sitting on the sidelines
in '72, waiting for the justices to rule, it would have seemed like
there was a real controversy going on. I think the public's support
for Curt would have been greater. I think each individual justice's
sympathy would have been greater. By the time they decided the case
in '72, I think the justices were feeling like, "What are we doing
here? Curt Flood tried to come back and couldn't. Nobody's career
is at stake." So, I think they saw no harm in ruling for baseball.
SL: Your legal background informs much of this
book. Why, ultimately, did Flood lose the case? What could he have
done differently?
BS: There were a bunch of things that Curt
could have done differently and Curt's legal team should have done
differently. Whether the outcome would have changed, we'll never
know. The first thing was when [attorney] Arthur Goldberg decided
to run for governor of New York and broke his promise to Marvin
Miller on that score. He should have stepped aside from the case.
Then, [attorney] Jay Topkis should have taken the lead at trial.
Curt's direct examination would have been better, and the trial
record to take it up on appeal would have been better.
The second thing, as Miller pointed out, was to have
players show up at Curt's trial to show support. The public's perception
of a lawsuit is important. Judges are real people; they read the
newspapers. So, if public opinion on Curt's lawsuit had turned in
his favor during the lawsuit, the Supreme Court might have reacted
differently.
The third thing was Arthur Goldberg should never have
argued that case before the Supreme Court. Jay Topkis should have
argued the case before the Supreme Court. The justices never received
Curt's best arguments at oral argument, and Curt did not have an
advocate up there to counter Major League Baseball arguments. Lou
Hoynes, Major League Baseball's counsel before the Supreme Court,
did a phenomenal job, but there were holes in his argument that
a skillful advocate could have exploited. And no one did that.
SL: What of the machinations of the Supreme
Court during the Flood case? Why did Chief Justice Warren Burger
switch his vote?
BS: In some ways, we'll never know because
Burger's papers are sealed until 2026. I think the main reason Chief
Justice Burger switched his vote was an institutional one. He saw
a 4-4 tie initially, which meant the lower court's opinion would
have stood, and I think he saw his leadership role as chief justice
was to get a majority opinion on the case. Also, I think he wasn't
above playing politics with opinions. I think he saw that if the
case ended up in a 4-4 tie, that would have been a huge blow to
his good friend Harry Blackmun. I think he wanted to boost Blackmun's
confidence. I also think he was trying to curry favor with Justice
Blackmun for future cases. I do not think there was a direct trade
that Burger
said, "If I vote on this case this way, will you vote on that case
in that way?"
but I think Burger saw his role as chief was to break the tie.
Usually, there aren't ties in Supreme Court cases,
because there are nine justices. To me the most significant event
in the machinations of Supreme Court was Justice [Lewis] Powell's
recusal [Powell recused himself because he owned stock of Anheuser-Busch,
which owned the Cardinals]. If Powell does not recuse, then you
have a 5-4 decision for Curt, with no tie to break. What was curious
about what Justice Powell did was that he recused himself after
he participated in the oral arguments and the deliberations.
SL: Was his decision to recuse himself legitimate?
BS: As we learned from the controversy of Chief
Justice [Antonin] Scalia going duck-hunting with Dick Cheney, it's
entirely up to the opinion of the justice. So, why I can't say whether
Powell was wrong or right to recuse himself? I think it was an excessive
adherence to the ethics rules. I mean, here's Powell voting against
Anheuser-Busch; certainly, in voting for Curt Flood, he's not helping
Anheuser-Busch. What was going through Powell's mind was the promise
that he made to the Senate Judiciary Committee that he would not
vote on cases in which he owned stock.
SL: In 1972, when the Supreme Court ruled in
favor of baseball, the Court also urged Congress to take away sports'
antitrust exemption. Why hasn't Congress acted on this?
BS: Because baseball has the best and strongest
lobby. Let's be honest: Major League Baseball owners are mega-millionaires
who make huge campaign contributions. I don't think Congress will
ever overturn the antitrust exemption because every individual congressman
is allied with the owners of baseball teams. There's a Major League
Baseball team in many states, and then there are minor league teams
in almost every town in this country. One of the big arguments for
the antitrust exemption is, if you get rid of that exemption, you'll
destroy the minor leagues. There is no way that some congressman
who lives where the minor league team is one of the biggest things
going would do something to hurt the fortunes of that team.
SL: While Flood lost in court, his position
ultimately prevailed in baseball and throughout sports. What is
the legacy of Flood and his case?
BS: Curt Flood got the players a lot of things
that people don't realize. Labor negotiations were going on all
through the Flood lawsuit, from 1970 to1972, but the lawsuit took
the reserve clause off the negotiating table. So, you have the biggest
sticking point no longer a sticking point because of the lawsuit.
You also had the owners arguing in court that the Flood case isn't
an antitrust issue, that it's a labor issue that they can solve
at the negotiating table. So, they had to show that they could be
reasonable, and they gave the players three big concessions: salary
arbitration, which is still in full force today and the product
of enormous gains for young players; grievance arbitration, which
led to Andy Messersmith and Dave McNally being able to challenge
the reserve clause before an independent arbitrator and become baseball's
first real free agents; and the 10-5 rule, where if a player has
ten years of Major League service time, five with the same team,
he can veto every trade. That rule would have enabled Curt Flood
to veto the trade that started everything. So, the benefits from
his lawsuit aren't necessarily direct, but the players made gains
as a result of the momentum from the lawsuit. And, they're still
benefiting players today.
Flood's legacy is that he helped the players gain
their rightful share of the economic pie. Flood brought to the public's
attention the huge imbalance that existed during much of baseball's
so-called glory days, from the 1940s to the 1960s, when the owners
were taking home more than 80 percent of the money and the players
were being exploited to the extent where they had to take second
jobs during the off-season. Flood showed that this was an unequal
situation. His lawsuit and the Supreme Court's ridiculous opinion
helped to change public opinion on this.
Obviously, his legacy is free agency. I know people
have mixed feelings on this subject, but to my way of thinking baseball
is a better game because of free agency. To see seven World Series
winners in the last seven years is a direct product of free agency.
You see teams in the middle of the pack economically winning the
World Series, while the team with the most money is not wining the
Word Series every year. Certainly, there are problems. Certainly,
the higher ticket prices are problematic. But I think that's a trend
in society: people overvalue entertainment. It's the same reason
why actors get $20 million for a movie.
Curt's other legacy was standing up for himself and
taking a stand. We don't see that so much today, and with good reason.
Look at what happened to Curt Flood. Look at what happened to Muhammad
Ali. Ali lost three prime years of his career and was one justice's
vote away from going to prison. Flood's stand cost him everything.
Ballplayers and athletes today get that message: the money is so
great and
their ties to corporate America are so close, with all of their
endorsements
that for a Tiger Woods or a LeBron James to speak out on a racial
or a social or a political issue would almost be career suicide.
SL: Do you think Curt Flood has received his
due recognition?
BS: No. I hope my book goes some way to rectifying
that. A lot of people asked me, "Isn't it awful that the modern-day
player doesn't know who Curt Flood is?" I say to them, "Look, baseball
players usually come right out of high school. Only a few of them
are going to college. You can't expect these guys to be baseball
historians when they enter the league." But it's the union's fault
for not educating their members about Curt. The union should have
educated the players and told them the story of Curt Flood, of Catfish
Hunter, of Marvin Miller, of Andy Messersmith and Dave McNally,
so the players recognize how they got to where they are today.
In 1994, during the players' strike, about 50 players
gave Curt a standing ovation at a meeting in Atlanta after Curt
spoke to the players and encouraged them not to put the genie back
into the bottle. Of those players who participated in the '94 baseball
strike, there's only 80 left of the 800 current players. So, 90
percent of today's players have no idea what it's like to sacrifice
their salaries for a players strike.
SL: You write that Marvin Miller, the longtime
head of the Players Association, was very supportive of Flood throughout
the legal process. And yet, Miller hired the attorney, Arthur Goldberg,
who did a poor job, and, when Flood was in financial need, the Players
Association didn't find a job for him. Could they have done better?
BS: Marvin stepped down in '85, '86. Curt didn't
sober up until '86. So, I don't think that was going to happen then.
I do blame the union leadership for not giving Curt a job later
in his life and recognizing his accomplishments that way. Marvin
certainly shoulders some of the blame. Most of the blame for not
hiring Curt, and for not recognizing Curt later on, falls on Don
Fehr's shoulders. At the same time, Fehr and the Players Association
quietly paid a lot of Curt's medical bills at the end of Curt's
life.
There are two places where I think the union went
wrong with Curt. First, not a single active player showed up to
Curt's funeral. Marvin had David Cone and Tom Glavine issue written
statements when Curt died that were very complimentary. But given
all the players who live in Southern California
and this was in January, during the off-season
Don Fehr could have called a few players and had them come to the
funeral. That showed a lack of P.R sense, but also a lack of respect
for Curt.
The second thing was
and Jesse Jackson said this during the eulogy at Curt's funeral
the union
should set up an award in Curt's name, almost like the union's version
of the Roberto Clemente Award that Major League Baseball gives out.
It would help educate people about who Curt Flood was. That has
never happened, and that was something they could have done.
SL: What most surprised you in researching
and writing this book
about Flood, about the case itself?
BS: The first thing was, how few of Curt's
fellow players backed him at the time of his lawsuit and how outspoken
some of the superstars, like Carl Yastrzemski and Harmon Killebrew,
were [against him], and how reticent guys like Willie Mays, Hank
Aaron, Ernie Banks, and others were to say, "Curt's doing the right
thing here." That was really shocking.
Also, the depths of Curt's despair, particularly when
he was completely destitute and drunk in Europe. The shop-lifting
charge, the Barcelona psychiatric hospital stay, his father having
to send over a plane ticket so that Curt could get back to the States.
That was a rock-bottom situation, and I didn't realize how sad some
aspects of the story would be.
The ineptitude of Arthur Goldberg really shocked me.
I have a real reverence for the Supreme Court and Supreme Court
justices, and I was shocked at how bad a lawyer Goldberg was at
that point of his career. He was like Willie Mays stumbling around
in the outfield during the '73 World Series, just a guy who was
past his prime.
The last thing was, I was really disappointed in the
Supreme Court itself, as an institution, that Justice Blackmun would
treat Curt's lawsuit so cavalierly and not realize what Curt had
sacrificed and what was at stake. And, how shoddy the reasoning
of the opinion was and how, with sports cases, justices become fans
and become irrational. Be it baseball, basketball, or football,
you can almost throw all the legal precedents out the window because
the justices' love of sports overtakes any logical argument.
SL: Does Curt Flood deserve to be in the Hall
of Fame? Does Marvin Miller?
BS: Marvin Miller definitely deserves to be
in the Baseball Hall of Fame. Miller, along with Branch Rickey and
Kenesaw Mountain Landis would be my Mount Rushmore of non-players
having an enormous impact on the history of the game. The fact that
Miller is not in there de-legitimizes the entire institution and
shows how conservative the veteran's committee is in making selections.
Under the new rules system, I think the chances of
the veteran's committee selecting Curt Flood are slim and none.
Certainly, Curt's baseball numbers don't warrant his inclusion in
the Hall of Fame. He had about 2,200 hits. That's a far cry from
even guys like Vada Pinson, who had close to 2,800 hits and who's
not in the Hall of Fame. But I think there's a case to be made for
Curt just
like there was a case to be made for Larry Doby
that Curt's accomplishments and legacy to the game warrant his inclusion.
You know, Larry Doby got in a few years ago more for being the American
League's first black player and not for his statistics. I think
that was well-deserved. So, I think that under some Larry Doby-like
logic, you could make a good argument for Curt.
SL: Before his death, Curt said that he was
writing a sequel to his first book, "The Way It Is." Does the sequel
exist or was that just something that he told everybody?
BS: I don't know because I haven't seen what
[Flood's widow] Judy Pace has. She told me that Curt was trying
to work on the sequel and that he did a lot of talking into a tape
recorder. "The Way It Is" is a wonderful book. I rank it up there
with "Ball Four" and "The Long Season" for its candidness about
the way ballplayers really talked and thought and acted. "Ball Four"
and "The Way It Is" were revolutionary books in this tell-all genre
that's so commonplace today. I'd love to see it. It would be a wonderful
artifact, and it would be a wonderful resource for future writers
and historians. But I don't think we'll ever see it. I don't think
there is a sequel out there
not without a substantial amount of work from another writer to
complete it.
COLIN KEITH
GRAY and MEGAN RANEY AARONS
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On December 6, 1956, Hungary and the Soviet Union faced off
in the semifinal of the water polo tournament at the Melbourne
Olympic Games. Hungary was the defending gold-medalist from
the 1952 Helsinki Games. The Russians had beaten the Hungarians
earlier in the year and were vastly improved since their seventh-place
finish in 1952.
But this match was about more than supremacy in the water.
Just weeks previous, Soviet tanks had rumbled into Budapest,
crushing Hungary's populist bid for freedom and democracy
and re-establishing Communist rule in the Eastern bloc nation.
Thousands of Hungarians were killed, deported and jailed.
At Melbourne's Crystal Palace, Hungary-U.S.S.R. turned into
a violent, foul-plagued affair. Toward the end of the match,
with Hungary leading 4-0, Russia's Vladimir Prokopov brutally
belted Hungary's star player, Ervin Zador, over the eye. Bleeding
profusely, Zador was pulled from the pool; as police massed
to quell a riot among spectators, the "blood-in-the-water"
match was cut short and Hungary awarded the victory. Without
Zador, Hungary beat Yugoslavia in the finals, with Russia
taking third.
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Now, some 50 years
later after the bloodiest game in Olympic history, the brother-sister
team of Colin Keith Gray (writer-director) and Megan Raney Aarons
(director of photography) has produced "Freedom's
Fury." Five years in production, the documentary revisits "the
most famous game in the sport of water polo" within the context
of the 1956 Hungarian uprising. The filmmakers used archival footage,
both of the political and social turmoil in Budapest and the action
in the water, and tracked down and interviewed surviving members
of both teams. They also arranged and filmed a reunion of the two
teams in Budapest in 2002. The result is a stirring, moving film
that deftly examines the role of sport within the broader context
of international politics.
SportsLetter recently interviewed Gray and Aarons by telephone
from their office in the Venice, Calif. area.
David Davis
SportsLetter: How
did you hear about the Hungary-U.S.S.R. match?
CG:
It started back in Canada, which is where we both grew up. One
of our friends was Hungarian-Canadian whose family had fled Hungary
in '56. Around the same time, I started playing water polo in high
school. And, water polo in Canada is very influenced by Hungarian
water polo because so many coaches and players fled in '56 and settled
in Canada. That's when we first heard about Hungarian prowess in
the sport and were exposed to the political situation.
I first heard about
the game after I continued to play water polo at the University
of Michigan. My coach was a Hungarian gentleman by the name of Ben
Quittner. It turns out that Ben was coached by the captain of the
'56 team, Deszo Gyarmati. So, Ben was the one who first informed
me about the significance of the game.
At the Atlanta Olympics
in 1996, there was quite a bit of coverage of the 40th anniversary
of the famous showdown in Melbourne. I clipped an article about
the game, and it triggered a memory: that's that game Ben always
talked about. At that point, I had already written and directed
my first documentary, which also involved sports [Editor's Note:
"Glory Days," about a reunion between two northern California high
school football teams]. So, Megan and I started discussing the water
polo project. We just thought the game was such an interesting way
to unlock the larger story of the Hungarian Revolution and the people
power movement.
SL: How would
you describe water polo to someone who's never played the sport?
And why is it so compelling?
CG: It's a contact
sport in the water. I'd say it's like soccer in the water with the
aggressive violence of ice hockey and football. For Europeans, I'd
say it's like rugby in the water.
What I love about the
sport is the combination of finesse and violence. That's where it's
so reminiscent of ice hockey. You have the finesse, the passing,
the technical skills, the break-aways, and then it's so physically
demanding. That's why it's exciting to see it growing so quickly
these days. Right now, it's the fastest growing sport on the college
level among women.
MA: As someone
who didn't play the sport - and from a cinematic point of view as
well - the reason I love to watch water polo is the choreography
involved. There's such a dynamic fluidity to the sport. So much
of the game takes place under water. So for us to be able to film
the sport - and film it underwater in a way that no one's ever seen
before - makes it really exciting.
SL: Hungary
has long been a water polo power. Your film notes that they've won
eight Olympic gold medals, the most of any country (including, most
recently, at the 2004 Athens Olympic Games). Why are they so good
at water polo?
CG: It's sort
of like Canadians and hockey
success breeds success. Hungary has been a powerhouse since the
1930s. In the fall, when the film was released in Hungary, we went
to see two teams scrimmage one another at a local club in Budapest.
In the side pool, at 10 o'clock at night, there's all these kids
throwing the ball around. It's like going to any playground in America
and seeing guys playing pickup hoops. That's what water polo is
like in Hungary: They live and breathe water polo.
MA: It's a mystery
that this landlocked country excels in all things aquatic. I think
it's in part because of the tradition of the Turkish baths there,
leftover from the Ottoman Empire, and all the natural springs. Each
pool really does taste different, and there's a real pride, in Budapest
and throughout Hungary, about their water culture. Every interview
that we had at a pool, there was never a moment when the pool was
empty.
SL: At the time
of the uprising, the Hungarian Olympic water polo team was isolated
in training. Did they have any say in whether or not they would
go to Melbourne?
CG: No. Athletes
had no control over what they did or didn't do. They didn't have
any control about who traveled or when they traveled. There were
so many privileges associated with being a member of the national
team travel
and prestige
that they shut up and did what they were told to do.
MA: In the film,
Ervin [Zador] says that when he heard about the revolution, he told
his teammates in Melbourne that he was going to stay. For him to
publicly say that, that was treason. That was a very risky thing
for him to say. It goes to show how shaken up everybody was that
they let him play. They were still in shock about the events.
CG: We initially
were going to try to make some links about how the team became politicized
and got involved in the revolution. We couldn't make those links
because, first of all, they were isolated in the training camp and,
second, the athletes didn't want to rock the boat. They couldn't
afford to because they would've been kicked off the team. None of
them were overtly political. None of them had taken part in marching
in the streets, but by the time the Olympics rolled around and by
the time they met the Soviets in Melbourne, in the eyes of the world
they became these symbolic freedom fighters. That's when they realized
how the hopes and pride of an entire country were riding on their
shoulders. Like it or not, the game became politicized around them.
SL: You located
and interviewed a dozen players from both teams. How difficult was
it to find them and were they eager to talk about the '56 match
again?
CG: It wasn't
too difficult tracking them down. We found Ervin Zador first, living
in California, and talked to him on the phone. He was just wonderful
from the get-go. At the same time, we were speaking with the Hungarian
Water Polo Federation and asking them to connect us to the '56 team.
I traveled to Budapest in 1998-'99, to meet with everyone and talk
about the film and lock in their participation. They wanted to make
sure that we were serious about this. The players quizzed us before
each interview to make sure we had our facts straight, to make sure
we had done our research.
My coach at Michigan,
who became our primary water polo consultant on the film, and his
friend Tamas Wiesner, another Hungarian player, opened up a lot
of doors for us. The minute the players heard that I was a water
polo player, they were like, "Of course we'll participate." All
of them turned out to be very gracious and cooperative from day
one.
What was interesting
was how the Russian team got involved. Initially, we were talking
about trying to go to Russia to interview the players. But they
were all in different cities. We sort of brainstormed: "Why don't
we see if they'll come to Budapest?" We didn't think it would work
out. But the presidents of both the Hungarian Water Polo Federation
and USA Water Polo petitioned the Russian Water Polo Federation
on our behalf. They asked all of the surviving players to come to
Budapest, and all but one of them were able to come Budapest for
the reunion. The Russians turned out to be really generous with
their time.
SL: What was
it like to be present at the reunion?
CG: It was magical.
One thing we felt was that, whatever happened to the movie, we had
been a part of giving these men a chance to re-connect as human
beings and elite athletes. On the Hungarian side, they'd never all
been together in 50 years. So, it's hard to put into words what
it was like to watch them hug and smile and talk. And, when they
jumped in the pool again, it was like the years washed off. They
became like little boys again.
SL: Your film
contains some amazing archival footage, including of the '56 Hungarian
team in training and of the '56 uprising in Budapest. Was that difficult
to locate?
MA: The research
to find the archival footage was a huge challenge. Colin and our
producer, Kristine Lacey, worked very closely with The Institute
for the History of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, and they became
a huge source of footage. The footage of the team in training, which
we found at the Hungarian Film Archive, was a golden find. It gives
the film authenticity because you can see the players in the water
in their prime. That footage was actually shot by the coach of the
'56 team, Bela Rajki-Reich, who was also an amateur photographer.
He developed some of the first underwater housings and figured out
a way to track down the pool, shooting the players in ways that
had never been done before. He was such a visionary, and to have
that all on tape
we kind of burst into tears when we saw that.
We also accessed a
great number of stills from the Museum of Sport [in Budapest], and
we collected footage from almost 15 archive houses and sources from
around the world. For the match at the Olympics, that footage came
from the Olympic Television Archive Bureau [OTAB]. We licensed that
footage through the USOC and the IOC.
SL: What surprised
you most as you were making the film?
CG: On a content
level, what surprised me was the lack of animosity between the Hungarian
and Russian players. Because they called this a grudge match and
the "blood-in-the-water match," I thought there was going to be
bad blood between them. But both teams were remarkably philosophical
about it, very able to recognize that they were all victims of their
time. It brings an almost hopeful coda to the film, which was not
anticipated. We had wanted to try to do the reunion, but we had
no idea how it would come together. The fact that they were so eager
to see each other again after 50 years was surprising. They both
saw each other as victims of the same circumstances. Both had suffered
under this oppressive totalitarian regime, but in different ways.
MA: The one
other thing that I was most surprised about was that, in Hungary,
there's never been a truth and reconciliation counsel, like in South
Africa and other places. A lot of the people have blood on their
hands left over from the Revolution and the aftermath, and it's
amazing how politicized and polarizing the Revolution still is in
Hungary. And, that has impact in strange ways on everyday life there.
SL: I read a
report that Ervin Zador, the star of the team who defected after
the '56 Olympic Games, recently refused to return to Hungary for
political reasons. Is that true?
MA: That's an
example of how politicized the country is to this day. In fact,
he was unable to travel because of his wife's health. It was a personal
thing, but it was completely taken out of context and blown out
of proportion by the Hungarian press.
SL: What was
your biggest challenge in making the film?
MA: Finding
funding for an independent film that is obviously not commercial
and finding our way through the story.
CG: As story-tellers
and filmmakers, trying to find the weave of the dual narrative of
the film
the water polo journey and the historical-political backdrop
was challenging and humbling. It was a long process, and I think
there were many points where we doubted we'd ever get to the end.
We had about 150 hours of our own footage, 50-plus hours of archival
footage, over 10,0000 stills, plus articles and other information
that we were trying to synthesize and distill into a cohesive 90-minute
film.
SL: This film
took five years to produce. What kept you going?
CG: What kept
us going during the bleaker moments was a sense of responsibility.
We felt privileged that so many people were willing to speak with
us and share their very intimate stories and emotions about what
they experienced in '56. There was no way we could just stop working
on the film, even when we ran out of money, because we felt that
we had a duty to do this story justice.
SL: You were
able to enlist two big Hollywood names
Lucy Liu and Quentin Tarantino
as executive producers. How did that come about?
CG: Lucy and
I went to the University of Michigan together. We met during a production
of "Jesus Christ Superstar." We become fast friends, and we started
out in the business together. We went to New York at the same time
and then out to L.A. I think that the seeds were planted for teaming
up on this project in '89, when we became buddies and also became
very politicized. In the spring of that year was the Tiananmen Square
Massacre, a democracy movement that was brutally crushed. Later
that fall was the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Years later, when
we brought the project to Lucy, the minute we told her about this
democracy movement in Hungary that had been brutally suppressed,
she instantly saw the connection between '56 in Hungary and '89
in China. She said, "I would love to be involved, how can I help?"
She ended up hosting our first fund-raiser in L.A., which was right
when she was starting work on "Kill Bill." So, she brought down
Quentin to our first fund-raising event.
SL: Could you
have finished the film without them?
CG: Absolutely
not. They were vital. Quentin had heard very little about Hungary
in '56 or about the water polo game and said, "It's the best story
never told." He got very enthused about it and asked, "How can I
help? Do you need cameras?" He came on with valuable financial support,
as did Lucy. Lucy stayed hands-on throughout the entire process.
The lion's share of the editing of the film was done in her garage,
and she helped us at the Tribeca Film Festival by drumming up support
and media interest.
SL: You enlisted
another big name, Mark Spitz, as the film's narrator. How did that
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